Nous publions le discours prononcé par Mr David Kilgour lors d’une table ronde organisée par lui, le 30 juin 2005 à Ottawa avec la communauté Congolaise du Canada. Toute la communauté Internationale n’est pas insensible à notre cause, ça fait chaud au coeur.
Good afternoon,
On this day we celebrate a very important event in the history of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Today marks the 45th anniversary of the Independence of the Congo from Belgian rule.
Yet, on this day, 45 years later, we see a country which is struggling to gain a democratic foothold. The transitional government was established in July of 2003, composed of former fighting groups who signed the All Inclusive Peace Agreement in 2002. Their work has since been hindered by factionalism, political instability, military crises, and, of course, extreme poverty.
There is hope
There have been glimpses of hope in the conflict. For instance, since September of 2004, approximately 15,000 militia soldiers have given up their weapons voluntarily; and the signing of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court by the Congolese transitional government. Yet there is much work to be done. Advances in security, rule of law and respect for human rights have not improved as much as was hoped. Civilians continue to be the victims of violence and impunity; ethnic hostility has not subsided; natural resources have been exploited by corporations, Congolese officials, armed groups, and neighboring countries; and civil and political rights are routinely abused.
In addition to this, the UN peacekeeping force, the UN Organization Mission in Congo (MONUC), has been unable to contain the violence in order to protect civilians. This is mostly in the eastern parts of the DRC, where the violence is most widespread. Despite the fact that the UN Security Council increased the size of the peacekeeping force from 10,700 to 16,700 in October of 2004, they were still unable to end human rights abuses. I am also sorry to hear that there have been allegations of sexual violence and physical abuse made against the peacekeeping troops themselves, initiating an internal UN investigation, which is still underway.
As a recent article in the New York Times noted, the majority of those who perish do not die due to direct physical violence, but more as a result of conditions created by conflict in a fragile country. This includes such factors as malnutrition, tuberculosis, fever, pregnancy-related death and diarrhea. All causes are absolutely preventable. When people flee war-torn areas, they tend to seek safety in environments which, although they are safe from conflict, are naturally hostile – places where there are no medical supplies, no social networks, and little food. The numbers are astounding: it was estimated that for every violent death in the DRC, there were sixty-two non-violent deaths.
And the fighting continues. This past week it was reported that the fighting has resumed in the Ituri province, just south of Bunia, Ituri’s capital. UN peacekeepers had been attempting to search and dismantle a militia camp. What was even more disturbing about this report was that fact that the Congolese militia fighters were using women and children as human shields in defense against the peacekeepers.
How can this continue?
When international human rights legislation and declarations make it clear that each and every one of us has unalienable and indivisible rights to the essentials of a happy and healthy life, how can these sorts of things continue to take place? The moral dilemmas such as those involved in the Congolese conflict are so complex, so interwoven, that the work involved in alleviating the suffering of the population is enormous. In a conflict that has spanned decades, involved six different African armies and countless ethnicities, and created massive refugee camps, how can we even begin to solve things? I think this is what we are here for today.
But when we deal with such complex issues, we must always try to see the light on the horizon. And there is light: the Congolese are heading into the first nationwide elections, beginning this coming autumn. It is true that there are many obstacles to the elections, including compiling voter lists of approximately 28 million people, the displacement of large numbers of persons, due to years of conflict, and lack of infrastructure and basic transportation. A date has not yet been set for the elections, and the government has requested extra time, allowed for under the 2003 peace agreement. Presidential voting will most likely be postponed until 2006, but voting on the Constitution will take place on November 27th of this year. Along with the UN, which is already involved with election logistics, countries such as Canada should not hesitate to offer our experience, resources, and citizens to ensure such steps toward democracy are not wasted. Through our government, as well as you, the Congolese community, we can do more to ensure that the fight continues with votes, and not bullets and blades.
The Canadian role
The Canadian government is actively involved in the DRC – currently a Canadian foreign policy priority in Africa. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) supports the needs of victims of the conflict, the electoral process, and public education programs. As pointed out in the recent report entitled Canada’s Contribution to the G8 Africa Action Plan, Canada has actively participated in inter-Congolese dialogue and is closely following and supports the transitional period of government. There are also approximately 70 Canadians involved in MONUC. As a member of the International Committee in support of the Transition (CIAT), Canada understands that dialogue, civil society participation and NEPAD’s work at the community level is vital, as reflected by our support for a citizenship participation project. And after so many years of conflict, the reintegration of ex-combatants into civil society is an all-important step toward reconciliation and the promotion of peace and security. This is why Canada also supports the World Bank’s Multi-Country Demobilization and Reintegration Program, aimed at reintegrating militiamen involved in conflicts in the DRC, Burundi and Rwanda.
Our involvement must be on all fronts, including peacekeeping, politics, support for human rights, humanitarian aid, strengthening civil society and economic development. Canadian investment in the DRC, which is most concentrated in the mining industry, must also be monitored closely – in order to both ensure that exploitation is avoided at all costs. The DRC’s potential, with respect to natural resources, must benefit the Congolese people first and foremost. International corporations must prove their commitment to social responsibility. The report by a UN panel of experts on the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the DRC, published in October of 2003, must be taken seriously. Despite the best efforts of the Kimberly Process, there is much more to be done before it can effectively prevent diamonds from fuelling conflict. The DRC was a participant in the Process, and yet diamonds continued to play a prominent role in the war and human rights abuses. Unfortunately, in 2002 the DRC was removed for non-compliance.
However, while all these statements and statistics on Canadian involvement in the DRC may sound impressive, the violence has still not ceased. CIDA has provided over $145 million since 1998 in humanitarian aid and through bilateral programs. But when we divide this number over the past eight years, for a country the size of Western Europe, the amount is insignificant. The Canadian government has poured $400 million into Afghanistan since 2001, and has allocated another 200 million for the next three years. Why is it that African conflicts such as the DRC comparatively receive so little attention? All our efforts must be doubled in Africa, as long as there are still people whose lives are still threatened by conflict, and the resulting humanitarian crises. We can all do more.
You, the Congolese community, and the Canadian government can become more involved in mobilization, advocacy and fundraising. Considering the scale of destruction, time span, and complexity of the conflict in the DRC, the Canadian public must be made more aware, just as we are learning about the atrocities in Darfur, and why this issue should be a priority for Canadians, and the world.
Thank you.
